Reading through the BJP manifesto
released today, it seems clear that the delay in releasing it had much to do with what the party did not want to leave out, but would have preferred not to own up to for the moment.
From the Delhi Press archives: a younger Sushma Swaraj.
After watching one more disappointing interview of Narendra Modi, this time by Arnab Goswami, it seems clear enough that it doesn’t matter who the interviewer is, what matters is the set of questions posed to Modi. On this score, every interview of Modi during this campaign has been a failure. While it is unlikely that Modi will agree to an interview with The Caravan, I do believe the ten questions listed below need to be asked. The Gujarat model of development requires another set of ten questions on its own, but it is best to begin with these. Perhaps Modi, or anyone speaking on his behalf, can consider answering them in writing if they are unwilling to face tough questions followed by counter questions?
When I supported Mamata Banerjee’s Poribortan campaign in 2011 along with several others, I didn’t expect any magic to happen. I thought her government will be radical, listen to the people and of course be law-abiding and all that. I never expected that a change in government would mean welfare or something positive for the underprivileged. That will take time to come. When we started supporting her, we thought she would be a positive type of person; someone whom we would not regret supporting. That being said, she hasn’t delivered on the changes she promised during her Poribortan campaign.
In Seemandhra today, the YSR Congress faces its first full-fledged electoral test after Jaganmohan Reddy took over it in 2011 and re-launched it as a new party under his leadership. The party won 16 of the 19 Vidhan Sabha seats that went to polls in the 2012 by-elections in Andhra Pradesh. This election, the party is fielding candidates in all Lok Sabha and assembly seats in soon-to-be-divided Andhra Pradesh, including the 25 Lok Sabha constituencies and 175 Legislative Assembly seats in Seemandhra.
The results from the Afghan presidential elections were announced on 26 April, three weeks after polls were conducted. As most predicted, they indicated a runoff between the two top candidates: the former foreign minister, Abdullah Abdullah, and the former finance minister and chairman of the Transition Coordination Committee, Ashraf Ghani Ahmadzai. The runoff is likely to take place at the end of May, after which history will be made with a peaceful transfer of power for the first time in Afghanistan.
On 28 August 2015, Nandita Narain, a mathematics professor
from St. Stephens College, was re-elected as the president of Delhi University Teachers’ Association (DUTA). Narain, a candidate from the left-affiliated Democratic Front and a vociferous critic of the semester system and four-year undergraduate program (FYUP), won the election by a margin of around 700 votes. On the same day, at around 2.30 pm, I found myself at a tea stall located between the Faculty of Arts and Faculty of Law buildings at north campus in Delhi.
Who Was Shivaji was first published as in 1988 as Shivaji Kon Hota by Communist Party of India leader Govind Pansare. The work is not as much a biography of Shivaji as it is an attempt to debunk some of the myths surrounding his persona. In his introduction, Anirudh Deshpande, an associate professor in the department of history at Delhi University, notes that Pansare questions the way in which dominant Maratha historiography has enforced modern,(colonial and post-colonial), religious categories on the past.
Every set of elections has its share of controversies and criticisms and the ones that took place in late-2011 and early-2012 were no exception. In some cases, I found myself being personally attacked in sections of the media. One such controversy related to the Commission’s decision to cover the statues of Mayawati (then Chief Minister of Uttar Pradesh) and statues of elephants—the election symbol of the Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP), which she heads—located in public parks that had been built using public funds.
In March 2014, Pawan Kalyan, one of Telugu cinema’s biggest stars and the youngest brother of actor-turned-politician Chiranjeevi, took the plunge into politics by establishing the Jana Sena Party (JSP). He made a grand entry with a thrilling speech on 14 March at the party’s inauguration in a convention centre in Hyderabad. But he arrives at a time when Andhra Pradesh—which votes as one state but will have two assemblies with the formation of Telangana on 2 June—more than most other parts of India, is witnessing a stampede of celebrities in politics. With the exception of Venkatesh, all the major male stars of the industry, who have hundreds of thousands of fans’ associations among them, are either campaigning themselves, endorsing individual candidates or expected to campaign. Kalyan’s brother Chiranjeevi leads the Congress campaign. Nandamuri Balakrishna, who had limited his role to campaigning in the past, is now contesting for the assembly on a Telugu Desam Party ticket. Mahesh Babu is endorsing a TDP contestant. Akkineni Nagarjuna met Narendra Modi and fuelled speculations that he is all set to campaign for BJP.